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Former Vice President García Linera and failure of the Approval: “Facing it with good manners was a mistake” | National

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The former vice president of Bolivia, Álvaro García Linera, assured that the victory of the Rejection in the Exit Plebiscite was predictable, pointing to an error in the strategy to explain the changes. “The novelty is how he dealt with all of this and I think the way out of dealing with it in a mannered way was a mistake,” he emphasized.

The former vice president of Bolivia, Álvaro García Linera, lamented the failure of the constituent process, assuring that “it was a mistake” to face it “with good manners”.

This was stated in a conference he gave within the framework of the seminar organized by the University Academy of Christian Humanism, entitled “Neoliberalism and Human Rights: Debates from Latin American critical theory.”

On the occasion, the Bolivian politician gave a conference entitled “Time suspended: interregnum and decline of the economic cycle of global accumulation”, according to what is published The Mercury.

On the occasion, Linera was consulted for his impressions after the overwhelming triumph of the Rejection in the Exit Plebiscite, last September.

García Linera and triumph of Rejection: “It was predictable”

In this regard, the former vice president analyzed what happened, acknowledging that he was “sad”, although he recognized that it was “predictable”.

“I am a little sad with what has happened here, but you know what? It was predictable and that’s what makes me even sadder.”

“They haven’t faced things here that haven’t happened on the continent, nothing new and so there was a chance to come back. I am not one of those who have a reading that the media were the evil ones, they always are.

“It is not new that there has been a campaign to demonize the constituent,” he added.

“So, that the constituent process has faced a very adverse media environment, full of insults, lies, falsehoods that has poisoned the debate, that is common to the constituent processes of the continent, it is not new,” he insisted.

“The novelty is how he dealt with all this and I think the way out of dealing with it in a mannered way, was a mistake.”

Former Vice President García Linera: “You cannot legalistically defend a text that is political”

In that sense, he argued that “you cannot legalistically defend a text that is political. The Constitution is a political text, it says Political Constitution of the State for a reason, it is a correlation of forces. What has normative effects over time? Of course, but it is a political treaty that will define the normative forms in which they will be applied in the next 20 or 50 years”.

Although he emphasized that “no one can copy the experience of another, nor should anyone say what to do,” he pointed to the strategy used in Bolivia to achieve the approval of the Constitution.

“In our case, what did we do with the Constitution? We knew that the Constitution is a political fact, it must be dealt with politically. Second algorithm, the fate of a government is played out in the Constitution,” he explained.

“We noticed those two algorithms and said ‘well, how do we do it to defend the Constitution? Well, let’s show what the Constitution is going to do’, and what is it going to do? We nationalized gas, we nationalized telecommunications”, he insisted.

Former Bolivian vice president defended plurinationality

Likewise, García Linera referred to one of the most novel aspects of the Bolivian Constitution and that he tried to replicate in the new Magna Carta in Chile: the multinationality.

“What is multinationality? You indigenous, I semi-white, we can sit down to eat at the same table, and you have as much right to be a senator as I do, and your language and your dress are the same for any public office and for any social right”.

Due to the above, he said that “we have to have that ability to explain a text, in our case of 450 articles, things that reach people, their hearts and their pockets. That is the best way we did to approve our Constitution”.

“If you achieve a Constitution, when society is in a state of boiling, in a state of fire, the mold that you have assembled will be more favorable in unfavorable moments. And I think we have lost that. And now recovering that is going to be more complicated; so, that’s what makes me sad, ”she closed.

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Mario Waissbluth critical of the ministerial change: “It is still a cabinet for 38% of the country” | bbcl_investigates

by archyde

Mario Waissbluth does not hesitate to point out that the most serious political error that the Gabriel Boric administration has made is to have committed itself so much to the Approval, “knowing that it was going to lose.”

The columnist mentions in turn that the adherents of the Approval “have become even more virulent than before the Plebiscite”, which he has perceived even in his closest environment. “I see it even in my approving friends; they are not willing to reflect one bit, ”he remarks.

For his part, the academic rules out that the president will have problems complying with his government program despite the triumph of Rejection.

In addition to assessing the arrival of Ana Lya Uriarte and Carolina Tohá to the Undersecretary of the Interior and the Ministry of the Interior, respectively, Waissbluth defends Izkia Siches for the criticism she received during her tenure.

“I think it has already become a common thing to say that Izkia was doing it wrong,” he emphasizes.

Result of the Plebiscite

-In your opinion, who were the main responsible for the defeat of the Approval in the Plebiscite?

I believe that they seek to spread blame when these results were sung. A week before the Plebiscite I wrote a column called Oracle for September 4 in which I state, I don’t want to presume, that it was possible that it was close to 60%-40% simply based on electoral evaluations.

If you add the votes of the right in the last parliamentary election, which bordered on 40%, plus the votes of the People’s Party, 13%, in which they were completely for the Rejection, you already have 53%. Add a third approximately from the center-left and there you add about five points, that is, you have 58%.

To that I add the Mapuches, who the CEP survey showed are completely against, and already parts with 60%. And in the face of that, not even if Gabriel Boric had done three times the campaign, nor even if they hadn’t taken the flag out of their butts… all that was adding more gas to a potash that was already cooked.

Rather, what really surprises me is what led Boric, who could very well have made this simple and rational analysis, to commit himself so much to the Approval knowing that he was going to lose. That is what seems to me to be the most serious political mistake that this administration has made among the many mistakes that they have made in this period.

Influence of fake news?

-How much do you think the fake news could have influenced the result of the Plebiscite?

Around zero. First of all, there weren’t that many fake news, that’s something he loves to say to people who lost, but there weren’t that many. But I repeat to you, with fake news or without fake news, the right, the People’s Party, the Yellows for Chile and the Mapuches already accounted for 60%, so this Plebiscite was lost as soon as it was known that the text was lousy. The central fault lies with a lousy constitutional text, all the rest are decorations.

cabinet change

-Why do you suggest that the new cabinet did not leave the narrow framework of the “approvers”?

Because he did not leave the narrow framework of the approvers. I would have expected a cabinet in which the center-left was incorporated beyond the approvers. Bacheletismo was put in the cabinet, that is to say, Carolina Tohá and Ana Lya Uriarte entered, they are very solid, I have no criticism of them. But it is not a cabinet that extends its hands to those we reject, it is still a cabinet for 38% of the country. That is what I meant.

Self-criticism in Approval

-The sectors that were going for the Approval have made the corresponding self-criticism after the results of the Plebiscite?

I’m afraid not. On the contrary, they have become even more virulent than before the Plebiscite, it is pathetic. I see it even in my approving friends; they are not willing to reflect one bit. They live installed in the fact that this is the fault of fake news, that it is the fault of the money on the right, that it is the fault of anyone except themselves, except that it is a bad text.

I have not listened to any representative of the Approval, except for Noam Titelman who is the only one I have seen come out to say and write that it would be time for them to make a self-criticism. There has not been an iota of self-criticism and that seems serious and pathetic to me.

constituent process

-How do you think the constituent process will continue, or should continue?

What I would like is different from what I think will happen. I believe that it is already a fact that there is going to be a new elected convention, but I would very much like more experts to be used, I am not saying not to elect a new constituent group, but I believe that the country has said, and the polls say so, that we citizens want there to be a group of experts that knows about the subject, that has much more influence in this constitutional process than it was the first time.

-From sectors of the right, as in Republicans, they have stated that they do not take it for granted that Chileans want a new Constitution.

I find that pathetic on the part of the Republicans. Once again we are in that the ultra of the right and the ultra of the left are destroying the country. Republicans should quietly keep quiet.

Controversial and failed appointment of Nicolás Poblete

-How much could the failed appointment of Nicolás Poblete in the Undersecretary of the Interior have affected the government, considering all the controversy that surrounded that moment in the cabinet change?

The government has been making approximately one mistake per week since it was installed, and this is one more mistake that reflects, once again, the government’s carelessness and lack of management. It is one more mistake.

– Do you think there was a certain “anti-communism” as has been said in the opposition when stating that it was a contradiction that a communist like Poblete assumed in the Undersecretary of the Interior?

No, I would have objected the same. When I see Hugo Gutiérrez encouraging the students to take the Metro, it doesn’t seem to me that the Communist Party is the most appropriate to control violence and terrorism in Chile. For no reason. That’s why it was a bad sign.

Boric and his government program

– Will President Gabriel Boric have many difficulties to comply with his government program considering the defeat of the Approval?

I voted for Boric because I liked his government program. It is a social-democratic program and I don’t think he should have major problems in passing laws that move in that direction, I think that in that sense he is against the ropes in his public image but it shouldn’t be a big obstacle to sending bills sensible to Congress, especially now that we are going to have an experienced woman like Ana Lya Uriarte in the General Secretariat of the Presidency.

Inside Challenges

-Minister Carolina Tohá takes office in the Ministry of the Interior at a time when we have seen various protests in the capital, added to the situation in the southern Macrozone. What will be her main challenges?

You just said it yourself. I would not want to be in her shoes, her main mission is to control everything from terrorism in La Araucanía to the students who are taking the Metro. I said it somewhere in a tweet, she has to do it with a silken hand but an iron glove. It must be very democratic, respecting the law and the Constitution, but the main role of the State is to curb violence among its citizens. And that’s what she has to do.

-Regarding the six months in which Izkia Siches was in charge of said portfolio. Do you think there were many unforced errors that ended up costing you? How did you see the management of him?

I applauded Izkia Siches when she was appointed, I was happy with her appointment. She then started to make some mistakes but I think her mistakes have been overrated.

-In what sense?

I think it has already become a common thing to say that Izkia was doing it wrong and the truth is that he did a lot of things that were not bad at all. So I think she was already, as the movie says, a Walking Dead Woman no matter what she did, and she did a lot of good things.

-Like what things for example?

I’m going to be honest with you, the truth is that I don’t remember them right now, it’s not because I’m running. But he developed bills to control terrorism and did well in Congress.

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Chile: five keys to understand the triumph of the ‘Rejection’ of the new Constitution

by archyde

A contentious drafting process, fear-mongering proposals, the leftist president’s weakened popularity Gabriel Boric and the “silent vote” largely explain the rejection to the plebiscite Constitution on Sunday in Chileaccording to analysts.

61.9% of voters opposed changing the Constitution in force since the dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet by another that recognized new rights in health, abortion, education, pensions and the environment and consecrated an indigenous “plurinationality”. The proposal was supported by 38.1% of the 13 million voters.

1. Controversial drafting process

The text was written by a 154-member convention that has operated with much controversy since its installation in July 2021. The inaugural session itself was interrupted several times by member protests.

“More than the result of the text itself, what people had been evaluating badly since [hace] several weeks was the way in which this process had developed,” Marco Moreno, an analyst at the Central University, explained to AFP, describing “excesses” and “misconduct by many conventionalists.”

2. Contents of the proposal

The text of 388 articles was considered avant-garde by various analysts, but they warned that it also contained proposals that part of the population considered too radical and generated fear, especially politically.

“There were certain contents within the proposed constitutional text that generated resistance from broad sectors of society and increased levels of fear and uncertainty,” said Marcelo Mella, a political scientist at the University of Santiago.

Mella highlighted above all the change to the political system proposed by the text, which eliminated the Senate and established in its place a Chamber of the Regions to evaluate “regional agreement” laws.

Many saw in this measure the danger of a loss of veto power for the opposition.

Other controversial proposals contained in the text were indigenous “plurinationality”, the right to abortion and considering water and health as human rights.

“It’s very ‘millennial’ a part of the Constitution and those ‘millennial’ values ​​are not the demand of the most traditional part,” said sociologist Marta Lagos.

3. Boric’s poor evaluation

Boricwho took office on March 11, has seen the evaluation of his management drop rapidly to 38%, the same percentage that obtained the “Approve.”

With a very active government and accusations by the opposition of electoral interventionism, the result of the plebiscite was linked to the performance of the president.

“There is an important punishment vote that must be taken into account,” says Moreno.

Following the election results, the president stated that he would make adjustments to his government team in the coming days and invited the opposition to discuss how to channel a new constitutional process.

4. Spiral of silence

All the polls gave the winner ‘Rejection’ but none anticipated the great difference, attributed by analysts to the so-called “spiral of silence,” which occurs when voters do not make their position known to pollsters out of fear or mistrust.

In this case, with compulsory voting and the voting of more than 13 million voters (out of a list of 15 million), it is estimated that the polls and opinion studies did not consider some three million voters.

Nor did any survey or study expect such a high turnout to be registered, close to 80%.

“Practically everyone who had to vote” voted and “that was not in any analysis,” says Moreno.

5. Economic slowdown

After a record growth of 11.7% in 2021, supported by early withdrawals from pension funds and state aid to face the pandemic, the economy of Chile entered a phase of deceleration and high inflation (13% per year).

“When our country decided to open the constitutional process (…) it did not have the level of economic crisis that the country has today. So, the same people can have a risk assessment that is different, changing economic conditions so dramatically “, adds Marcelo Mella. (AFP)

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Guido Girardi: “The moment today is to support President Gabriel Boric” | bbcl_investigates

by archyde

“Responsibilities cannot be swept under the rug because otherwise you don’t learn.” In this way, Guido Girardi summarizes the consequences that are foreseen after the triumph of the Rejection during the day on Sunday.

The current Executive Vice President of the Encounters of the Future Foundationwho supported the Approval option, does not hide that what happened in the Plebiscite is “a very deep defeat”, adding that these are the effects “when personal positions are privileged”.

In turn, the former parliamentarian calls for names from the opposition, such as Javier Macaya and Francisco Chahuán, to fulfill their “pawned word” so that “the right wing joins a constituent process that allows for a new Constitution.”

Asked about the possibility of running as a conventional candidate before a possible new body, Girardi did not rule it out, although he is emphatic in pointing out that it is an issue that will be seen “in due course.”

“The moment today is to support President Gabriel Boric,” he launches.

Political responsibilities after the Plebiscite

-How do you explain the comfortable victory of the Rejection in the Plebiscite on Sunday?

There’s not much to explain. I believe that unfortunately a majority of citizens did not feel represented by the work that was carried out in the constituent process, and finally society did not interpret that the new Constitution had a set of rights that were established as fundamental. He saw more threats than opportunities in the proposal. And that meant that finally, something that had originated this entire constituent process from the Social Outburst, ended up being rejected.

I believe that in a certain way there are important political responsibilities here in the sense that those who were part of the constituent process. Particularly and some political actors, received a mandate from society, from 80% of the citizens who entrusted and entrusted the possibility of a new Constitution.

And in a certain way I think that trying to put ideological and personal visions before the general interest squandered that trust. And that 80% confidence ended up transforming into minority support. I believe that there are responsibilities precisely for those who did not understand the mandate of the citizens to solve social issues and who sought the possibility of advancing their own logics over the general interest and received a sanction from the citizens.

-Then…

We are going to have to establish responsibilities. Responsibilities can’t be swept under the rug because otherwise you don’t learn. I think we have to learn from this experience and the only way to learn is by acknowledging mistakes. I believe that there were many errors here that led the citizens themselves, who had voted for the constituent process and who had voted for the constituents, to see their expectations frustrated and vote against it.

It seems to me that this is a very deep defeat, perhaps it is one of the deepest political defeats since 1988, because here we lost the possibility of having resolved issues that are essential for the country, that are fundamental for coexistence , which has to do with issues of dignity and inequality that could have been resolved. And since they were not resolved, now they are going to remain pending and we are going to trip over that stone again because no country survives being one of the most unequal societies on the planet.

One of the most relevant factors in coexistence are the levels of equality, rights and dignity. They are the rights of nature that we lost, of the environment, the rights of women, the rights of animals, fundamental rights, of health and education, which as a result of misunderstandings could not be established.

Self-criticism in the Convention

-What self-criticism should the conventional ones make so that their proposal has generated so little support? Was there really a refoundational or revanchist mood as has been mentioned?

It is not all the conventional ones who have to criticize themselves because there were also people who tried to warn and generate a proposal that represented the general interest of the country.

But I think that above all those who were elected on lists of independents and some political actors have to learn a lot that these are the consequences when personal positions, ideological visions are privileged and put before the general interest of the country. And that is a subject that we will have to discuss later.

-Even in the worst case scenario, was such a massive defeat expected?

I do not think so. In any case, some surveys already warned of the magnitude of the problem.

effects on government

-You spoke of political responsibilities. Is this defeat of the Approval a very hard blow for the government?

I think that the government is inextricably linked to the constituent process. And of course, you don’t have to cover the sun with your finger. It is a defeat for the ruling party, it is a defeat for the government and fundamentally it is a defeat for those who supported these theses who were sometimes unable to account for the general interest and wanted to put their ideological visions first.

But I think that this is a discussion that comes later. I believe that today we have to protect the political capital that President Gabriel Boric has because we have already stoned in a certain way the capital that we had in the election.

constituent process

-In what way do you think the constitutional process should continue?

I hope that the word given by the president of the UDI, Javier Macaya, for whom I have a lot of respect, and Francisco Chachuán, for whom I also have a lot of respect, can be fulfilled and that the right wing joins a constituent process that allows for a new Constitution. And restore in that new Constitution what we could not do now about social rights.

I believe that it is fundamental for the future, the stability and the governance of the future, and therefore the constituent process has to continue, a new Convention has to be elected, which will have to draw up the new Constitution.

-Would you be willing to run as a candidate for a new Convention?

That is an issue that we will see in due time but I think that all of us who are, want and believe in a new Constitution eventually have to be available but this is not the time to say that. I believe that the moment today is to support President Gabriel Boric and it is fundamentally the moment to respect the possibility of having a new constituent process.

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Final projection Bío Bío: Rejection will prevail with 61.6% over 38.4% of Approval | National

by archyde

The first projection of La Radio gave 61.7% to the Rejection, but it was refined to 61.6% in the third and last update. At 8:16 p.m., with 88.08% of the tables counted, Servel reports that the Rejection accumulates 62.00% (6,944,426 votes) and the Approval 38.00% (4,256,165).

The Rejection will win this constitutional plebiscite with 61.6% of the votesaccording to the third and last projection of Bío Bío La Radio.

On the contrary, according to the analysis of our statistics unit, the I approve will receive the support of 38.4% of the population.

Tonight’s result means an earthquake for the government of President Gabriel Boric, who mortgaged part of his political capital to support the idea of ​​replacing the 1980 Constitution.

With 72.2% of the tables scrutinized, in line with data from Servel at the close of this edition, no region of Chile has said I approve of the proposal of the Constitutional Convention.

As soon as the first results began to come out, the President reacted to the scenario he feared.

In this way, the head of state called the presidents of the political parties to an appointment in La Moneda to give “continuity to the constituent process.”

The appointment is tomorrow at the Government House, but according to the senator and president of RN, Francisco Chahuán, Chile Vamos has to talk as a sector before talking with other agents.

From the UDI, its senator and leader, Javier Macaya, affirmed that the fall of the Approval does not change his will to have a new Constitution.

“We want to tell you very strongly that we fulfill our commitments,” he said.

Regarding the meeting with the Government, the trade unionist said that yes or yes he will meet with Boric, but that he and his Executive have to “put the house in order.”

“They cannot be divorced from something that they pushed with great force,” he added, with which he made a “call for humility” in the ruling party.

The traditional figures of the center-left who crossed the corridor and joined the Rejection greeted the result.

Senator Ximena Rincón (DC), for example, one of the politicians who had to face the most criticism for her option, welcomed the fact that the process continues in search of replacing the fundamental charter, without the encouragement of the Convention.

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Latest polls Approve Reject: Who is winning the 2022 Exit Plebiscite in Chile? | What happens if you win approval? | World

by archyde

The Exit Plebiscite 2022 will be held in Chile tomorrow, Sunday, September 4. Millions of people are preparing to express at the polls whether or not they accept the proposal for new constitution. In this sense, let us review the figures of the latest polls de Cadem, Pulso Ciudadano and B&W to understand how the acceptance of ‘approval’ and ‘rejection’ goes among citizens.

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