Mexico’s Diplomacy in Crisis: Political Appointments Undermine Foreign Service
Mexico City – A quiet but seismic shift is underway within Mexico’s Foreign Service (SEM), raising alarm bells among seasoned diplomats and international observers. A surge in political appointments – former governors, allies of the ruling party, and individuals lacking traditional diplomatic training – is eroding the professionalism of the SEM, potentially weakening Mexico’s position on the world stage at a critical juncture. This is breaking news with significant implications for international trade, consular services, and Mexico’s relationship with key partners like the United States.
The Erosion of a Technical Institution
For decades, the SEM was built on a foundation of merit and rigorous training. Entry required a competitive examination, followed by studies at the Matías Romero Institute, and a career path defined by expertise and experience. However, since 2018, that model has been increasingly challenged. According to data revealed today, over a third of ambassadorial and consular appointments have gone to individuals outside the diplomatic corps. Specifically, 43 of 121 ambassadors and 13 of 43 consuls lack formal diplomatic training. This isn’t simply a matter of filling positions; it’s a fundamental alteration of the institution’s core principles.
“It’s a real surprise that former governors have an interest in foreign policy,” warns Miguel Ruiz Cabañas Izquierdo, a career ambassador with the SEM. “It’s bad news, not only for the foreign service, but for the country, once again using it for domestic policy purposes.”
Embassies as Political Rewards: A Pattern Emerges
The appointments aren’t random. A striking pattern reveals that six former governors from the opposition PRI party – Quirino Ordaz (Spain), Claudia Pavlovich (Panama), Carlos Aysa (Dominican Republic), Carlos Joaquín (Canada), Omar Fayad (Norway), and Marco Mena (San Francisco) – received diplomatic postings after leaving office. Journalist Andrés Pascoe Rippey suggests a cynical exchange: governors effectively “deliver” states to the ruling Morena party in exchange for immunity from prosecution and a prestigious diplomatic post. Even Rutilio Escandón, a Morena governor, secured a consulship in Miami despite questions surrounding his administration’s security record.
The financial incentives are substantial. These positions often come with salaries exceeding the presidential wage – up to 289,000 pesos per month – plus generous benefits including housing, transportation, and educational allowances. This raises concerns about whether these appointments are driven by public service or personal gain.
Operational Impacts and the Risk to Consular Services
The consequences extend beyond optics. Embassies and consulates are not merely symbolic outposts; they are vital for negotiating treaties, representing Mexico in international organizations, and, crucially, protecting Mexican citizens abroad. Experts warn that the influx of politically appointed individuals is hindering these core functions. Arlene Ramírez Uresti, an academic at the Universidad Iberoamericana, notes a decline in operational efficiency, particularly in providing assistance to Mexicans overseas. “When a politician reaches a position, he starts to remove all the people from the previous person… This is happening in the diplomatic part, when it should not happen.”
Evergreen Insight: The politicization of diplomatic services is a global phenomenon, often linked to patronage networks and the desire to reward political loyalty. However, the scale of the shift in Mexico is particularly concerning given the country’s complex geopolitical landscape.
A Contradictory Foreign Policy and USMCA Renegotiation
This internal upheaval coincides with a period of fluctuating foreign policy. Mexico has pursued closer ties with Cuba, Venezuela, and Nicaragua, while simultaneously attempting to balance relationships with the United States, Canada, Russia, and China. Former ambassador Ricardo Pascoe Pierce argues that this approach is unsustainable. “The 4T believes that it can flirt with the American economy and be a strategic ally of China and Russia, and that is not possible.”
The timing is particularly precarious as Mexico faces the prospect of a USMCA renegotiation. A weakened and distrusted diplomatic corps could significantly hamper Mexico’s ability to secure favorable terms. American companies, already wary of Mexico’s judicial system, may view a politicized diplomacy as another risk factor.
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The situation demands urgent attention. The future of Mexico’s foreign policy hinges on whether the SEM will continue to be treated as a political prize or restored to its role as a professional instrument of statecraft. The stakes are high, not just for the Foreign Service, but for Mexico’s standing in the world.
