French President Emmanuel Macron and his rival, far-right candidate Marine Le Pen, qualified for a run-off on April 24, following they got the most votes in the first round, which was held on Sunday.
Immediately following the preliminary results of the French presidential elections appeared, on Sunday evening, the right, communists, socialists and the Greens announced their support for Emmanuel Macron, in the face of Marine Le Pen, who had the support of another far-right candidate, Eric Zemmour.
According to opinion polls, Macron received 28.6% of the vote in the presidential elections, while Le Pen received 24.4% of the vote.
Observers were expecting this scenario, the same as the scenario of the 2017 elections, which saw Macron and Le Pen meet in the second round, and ended with the victory of the current 44-year-old president.
Ifop polling organizers expected a sharp convergence in the result of the run-off, with Macron receiving 51 percent to Le Pen’s 49 percent, knowing that in 2017, Macron received 66.1 percent of the vote.
Macron said France and Europe were facing a decisive moment, adding that the French might count on him.
“I extend my hand to everyone who wants to work for France,” according to Archyde.com.
As for Le Pen, she said she is the one who can protect the weak and unite a nation fed up with its elite.
“We will win!” she told her supporters, who were chanting. In Paris, she added, the runoff “would be a choice of civilization.”
This outcome would set the stage for a confrontation between Macron, the economic liberal with a worldview, and a deeply Eurosceptic nationalist who, until the Ukraine war, had openly expressed her admiration for Russian President Vladimir Putin.
The winner of the Elysee will depend on voters who have voted for Macron and Le Pen’s rivals.
Conservative candidate Valerie Pecres, socialist Anne Hidalgo and Yannick Gadeau of the Green Party and Fabien Roussel of the Communist Party all said they would support Macron to tackle the far right.
“So that France does not fall into the hatred of all once morest all, I solemnly invite you to vote on April 24 once morest the far-right candidate Marine Le Pen,” Hidalgo said.
Pecres warned of “serious consequences” if Macron did not win the run-off.
“We will win! We will win!” She added that the run-off would “be the choice of civilization” and that its program would protect the weak and make France independent.
Who among us does not suffer from the problem of running out of battery in the phone, but it seems that the solution is within reach. Apple has introduced a solution to a problem found in the latest update to its iOS 15.4 system, which caused battery drain on some iPhones and iPads.
The company has provided the iOS 15.4.1 update to resolve this issue, and other accessibility issues, and improve device security.
While “Apple” did not explain the degree of prevalence of the “iOS 15.4” problem in battery drain, its technical support account on “Twitter” responded earlier to users who complained regarding draining the battery of their devices, pointing out that “it is normal that Their apps and features need to be modified up to 48 hours following the update.”
While The Verge recommends downloading the new iOS 15.4.1 update, even if you don’t have this problem.
It is noteworthy that in order to download “iOS 15.4.1” on the “iPhone”, you must go to “Settings”, then select “General”, and finally click on “Software Update”.
In order to download it to your Mac computer, you must go to “System Preferences” and then select “Software Update”.
French midfielder Paul Pogba revealed that his house was robbed on Tuesday evening, during his participation in the match once morest Atletico Madrid in the second leg of the Champions League final price in football, while his two children were asleep.
“Last night, our family’s worst nightmare came true following our house was robbed while our children were sleeping in their rooms,” the midfielder said on Wednesday on social media.
“The thieves spent less than five minutes here, but they took something more valuable than what we have at home: the feeling of safety,” added Pogba, who lost with his team at home to Atletico Madrid 0-1 and was eliminated from the continental competition.
“They knew we weren’t at home,” said Pogba, who entered at the end of the match at Old Trafford, where his wife, Maria Zulay Salaues, was among the attendees.
We rushed without knowing if the kids were healthy.
Nothing is worse for the head of the family than knowing he was not there to protect his children.”
He ended his post by suggesting a “reward” for someone who helps him track down the thieves, using a specific mail address.
The Frenchman did not extend his contract with the Red Devils, who suffered a new season away from titles.
His Swedish colleague Victor Lindelof was also a victim of theft, which he described as “very shocking”, when he was facing Brentford last January.
The defender’s home was robbed while he was in London, forcing his wife to lock herself up with her two children in one of the rooms during the robbery.
Madrid
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The Civil War did not end when the voice of the actor Fernando Fernández de Córdoba sounded on the radio, at 10:30 am on April 1, 1939, with the usual emphasis and enchantment: «Captive and disarmed the Red Army, the national troops have reached their last military objectives ”. During the 1940s, the actions of the anti-Franco opposition were marked not only by the Second World War and the repression of the dictatorship, but also by the confrontations, betrayals and hatred that anarchists and communists professed in exile. and socialists following being defeated by Franco.
It was war following war, the same one that had been brewing since 1937 in Spain, when two distinct factions began to emerge on the Republican side.
The first bet on peace and an armistice with Franco, headed by then-president Manuel Azaña and supported by the Republican Left and Republican Union parties, the Basque and Catalan nationalists and a sector of the PSOE. The second, led by Juan Negrín, appointed president in May, was in favor of prolonging the conflict and had the help of the communists and another part of the socialists, believing that the Second World War would break out soon and that the allies would come to their aid. .
In the early morning of March 5 to 6, 1939, General Manuel Matallana received the famous call from Segismundo Casado to inform him that he had risen once morest President Negrín himself, who at that point had only the support of the Soviets and the Communist Party. When he found out, the latter took the phone from him and said directly to the coup colonel: “You are dismissed.” And he replied: «Look, Negrín, that no longer matters. You are no longer a government, nor do you have the strength or prestige to sustain yourself and, even less, to stop us. The die is cast and I am no longer backing down.
Insurmountable divergences
The gap became insurmountable and, shortly following Casado’s call, three planes left for France with the last constitutional government of the Second Republic. The Sevillian edition of ABC, in the hands of the national side, titled: ‘The red zone revolts once morest Negrín and he flees to Toulouse accompanied by Álvarez del Vayo’. Two days later, he added: “According to the Reds of Miaja and Casado, they have completely defeated the Reds of Negrin and Stalin.” For Dolóres Ibárruri, ‘La Pasionaria’, an important leader of the PCE, “it is difficult to imagine a more cowardly and elusive vermin than the colonel.”
The war between the leaders of the defeated side continued following the war and, above all, in the late 1940s, when the entire opposition to Franco was demoralized as a result of the consolidation of the dictatorship. This fact accentuated the divisions among the nearly 500,000 refugees who left Spain. Among them, the vast majority of political and union leaders, senior officials in the Republican Administration and intellectuals. That is, those who had greater ideological preparation and more political experience.
“Many of them knew each other perfectly, for many years, so friendships and personal enmities, along with political differences, were transferred to exile. Also the leaderships of the Spanish parties and unions, as well as the main leaders of the republican institutions, were in France in precarious conditions since April 1939. The most urgent task at that time was to provide aid to the refugees “, explains Borja de Piquer in his book ‘The Franco dictatorship’ (Criticism, 2021).
The fight for refugees
As tough as it may seem, the confrontations also led to this humanitarian and solidarity task with their own. In March 1939, the Spanish Republican Evacuation Service (SERE) was created in Paris, at the initiative of Negrin, with the aim of helping exiles who were in France with financial subsidies and, above all, to facilitate their transfer. to other countries. This initiative caused a great controversy, since the SERE, financed with funds from the Republican Government, was denounced for practicing a sectarian policy and favoring the negristas and the communists.
For this reason, in the summer, Indalecio Prieto’s supporters created a parallel and rival body, the Junta de Auxilio a los Republicanos Españoles (JARE). This second organization used as a source of financing the so-called “treasure of Vita”, the old Giralda yacht of Alfonso XIII that transported jewels, works of art and other requisitioned objects, which were valued at 50 million dollars and fell into the hands of the prietistas since its arrival in Veracruz on March 23, 1939. More than 80 years, however, the exact load of the sailboat and where it went is still one of the great enigmas of the Civil War.
JARE, in turn, created two centers: one in Mexico, run by Prieto himself, and another in Paris, chaired by the Catalanist Lluís Nicolau D’Olwer. The SERE had the participation of a wide range of political forces: Republican Left, Republican Union, PNV, ACR, ERC, CNT and FAI. The division and chaos might not be greater, where this service transferred some 13,000 Spaniards to America in 1940, that is, 80% of those who arrived in America that year.
Embezzlement
“Both the political and economic action of the SERE, as well as that of the JARE, was involved in harsh polemics over misappropriation of funds and political favoritism that did nothing but show the notable political division of the Spanish Republicans,” says Piquer. It was obvious that the forces of this side in exile were highly conditioned by the tensions and confrontations inherited from the Civil War, which increased following the defeat. The division of the anti-Franco regime was a fundamental political factor for its future, since it weakened its already reduced capacity to influence before the allied powers and hindered the effectiveness of its action within Spain, “adds the historian.
One sign of this weakness was the scant support for Negrín’s attempt to continue presiding over the government in exile in the hope of having some capacity for action during World War II. In fact, he did not succeed due to the refusal of the majority of the exile forces to recognize the communist leader. This was made clear with the confrontation between this and Diego Martínez Barrio, acting president of the Republic following the resignation of Manuel Azaña, since he intended to present himself as the sole depositary of republican legality.
To all this we must add the internal crisis in which almost all the republican political and union groups lived. The PSOE suffered a clear fragmentation, since the followers of Indalecio Prieto, those of Largo Caballero and those of Negrín openly hated and criticized each other. In the CNT the supporters of participation in the Popular Front governments and the defenders of a return to apolitical acratism were at odds. The chaos and violence was important, and it was on the rise following the German invasion of France, which favored the consolidation of the factions.
The nationalists
The defeat had also led to a radicalization of nationalist positions, both on the part of the Basque and Catalan parties, largely as a reaction to the action, described as “authoritarian and centralist”, of the Negrín government during the last months of the conflict. . In the case of the Basque Country, this attitude implied a regrouping around the Lehendakari José Antonio Aguirre, his government and the Basque Nationalist Party itself, but in the case of the Catalan politicians in exile the division was evident and, furthermore, there was hardly any financial autonomy. The president of the Generalitat himself, Lluís Companys, was the subject of numerous censures by prominent militants of the Republican Esquerra itself.
What is contradictory regarding this entire ‘war’ is that, while the exile leaders externalized their confrontations with debates regarding the responsibilities of defeat, with the most ferocious accusations and recriminations, inside Spain, with enormous difficulties and in total Underground, new groups of anti-Franco militants were risking their lives in order to rebuild the political and union groups. Although his intentions never came to fruition.
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