After months of extreme care with Junts to give space to negotiations on the reduction of working hours, Vice President Yolanda Díaz changed strategy and revolted against her spokesperson, Miriam Nogueras, in the plenary session in which Carles Puigdemont’s party overturned the Labor law. “You do not represent the independence movement, but rather the Spanish employers in their most reactionary sectors,” Díaz told him in a tone that he had meditated on before, but that no one in the Government had used since the inauguration. After the parliamentary defeat in Sumar’s star rule, which the minority partner has tried to turn it into a street victory —because the polls say that it is a reform accepted by the majority—, the vice president has launched an offensive to promote legislative activity from the Executive and try to deploy the social agenda to the maximum. The intention is to approve everything that can be done via regulation in the Council of Ministers and submit the rest, even without votes, to debate in Congress so that the parties are the ones who present themselves to the citizens. “People want us fighting,” Díaz has been repeating for a long time, who has in his hands around a dozen ongoing negotiations, some more advanced than others.
Although the turning point was already marked before the summer break by the crisis that affected the Government due to the alleged involvement of Santos Cerdán in the collection of bribes in exchange for the awarding of public works – when Sumar demanded that the PSOE that “social turn” in the legislature—, in recent weeks Díaz has multiplied the advertisements.
From the digital time registration – a reform that does not need to go through the Cortes and that seeks put a stop to overtime that are done in Spain without remuneration, one of the legs of the norm to reduce working hours—until the last royal decree law to intervene in the real estate market, solemnly presented by four Sumar ministers a week ago and for which there is no guarantee that it will be approved in the Cabinet, because it still needs to be negotiated with the PSOE, which is the one that has the powers.
But setting the Government’s agenda in the face of the right-wing strategy of wearing down the coalition has become the priority of those from Díaz, who also need to distance themselves from the socialists on issues such as housing, which has become the main problem for citizens, and take advantage of all departments (from Labor, but also Social Rights and Consumption, Culture, Health and Youth and Children) to develop their program.
“Movimiento Sumar has to play the role of a labor party,” says a parliamentary source. “If you want not to kill Yolanda, you cannot reduce your program to the working day and the minimum wage, you have to show that everything is not done and that she has several terms left,” he describes about the succession of announcements and the hyperactivity of the ministry at the start of the course, especially since the fiasco of the reduction in working hours.
Dismissal, SMI, occupational risks…
Table of Contents
- 1. Dismissal, SMI, occupational risks…
- 2. How might the criticisms of the 32-hour work week trial impact Yolanda Díaz’s broader labor reform agenda in Spain?
- 3. Yolanda Díaz Intensifies Policy Efforts to Regain Leadership Following Working Hours Reduction Initiative Backlash in Spain
- 4. The Fallout from the 32-Hour Work Week Trial
- 5. Analyzing the Criticism: Key Concerns from Employers
- 6. Díaz’s Response: A Multi-Pronged Approach to Policy Reinforcement
- 7. the Role of European funding and Best Practices
- 8. Impact on Spanish Politics and Future Reforms
- 9. Real-World Examples: Companies Adapting to Change
This busy agenda inaugurates a new negotiation with the social agents this Monday: the unions and employers are called to the first meeting to discuss a change in the regulations of dismissal. Labor has been insisting on this issue for a long time, despite the employer rejection that awakens and also within the Government, with Economy against a modification. Díaz’s department is legitimized by the resolutions of the Council of Europe that indicate that Spain does not comply with the European Social Charter in this matter. Labor has not specified what its restorative dismissal proposal will consist of, but the expectation is that it will be passed on to the social agents soon.
Social dialogue sources insist that this change has no chance of succeeding in Congress, given the rejection not only of Junts, as in the reduction of working hours. The PNV would not support it either. The ministry also needs parliamentary support to move forward with the scholarship holder’s statute, an agreement with the unions from the last legislature, which was passed two years in the drawer and that received the approval of the Delegate Commission for Economic Affairs (step prior to entering the Council of Ministers) in July. The department insists that the Cabinet will give its approval soon, that the differences with the PSOE have already been resolved, but it has been a month since the deadline set by Díaz in an interview at SER to take to the Government meeting.
Among the battles raised is the extension of death leave ten days. It is an advance with respect to the current regulationswhich only grants two days of rest for the death of a spouse, de facto partner or relatives up to the second degree of consanguinity or affinity, extendable to four if a trip is necessary. The second vice president also proposes a new permit for the care of family members in palliative care. This new issue on the agenda was received with a certain coldness by the Minister of Economy, Carlos Body, who opted to “take companies into account.” The president of the main employers’ association that represents them, CEOE, tried to ridicule the initiative by asking for “permission to rest for a while from the Ministry of Labor’s announcements,” in the words of Antonio Garamendi. Labor maintains that the text with this proposal, which would require a legislative change, is very advanced.
Another issue that reflects Díaz’s intense activity this fall is the schedule of the call for experts who will recommend a new increase in the interprofessional minimum wage. The first meeting was held October 1when last year this commission was not opened until November 26. At the same time, and also regarding the SMI, the ministry negotiates with unions and employers to prevent the increases from being absorbed by eliminating bonuses. The unions made it a condition for signing the last increase that it be suppressed this possibility. It is an approach that irritates employers and that, foreseeably, will soon be agreed only with CC OO and UGT.
It is also open, from more than 20 months agothe negotiation to modify the law on the prevention of occupational hazards, on which there was a first concrete proposal in marchor the status of the artist.
The feeling in Sumar is that the PSOE has picked up the gauntlet and they believe that this is demonstrated by issues such as the approval of the conciliation permits at the end of July, the arms embargo on Israel or the reform proposal for shield abortion in the Constitutionwhich the minority partner of the Executive already formulated in a similar way in February.
In what represented the opening of a new front, Sumar pressured the PSOE last month to approve via decree, before the end of October and via decree—as José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero did in 2005—the extraordinary regularization of immigrants that is paralyzed in Congress. At the moment, no progress has been made, but there are ten days left until the end of the month. In such a frenetic autumn, anything can still happen.
How might the criticisms of the 32-hour work week trial impact Yolanda Díaz’s broader labor reform agenda in Spain?
Yolanda Díaz Intensifies Policy Efforts to Regain Leadership Following Working Hours Reduction Initiative Backlash in Spain
The Fallout from the 32-Hour Work Week Trial
The Spanish government, spearheaded by Second Deputy Prime Minister Yolanda Díaz, is actively recalibrating its political strategy following significant criticism surrounding the pilot program for a 32-hour work week. Initially lauded as a progressive step towards improved work-life balance and increased productivity, the initiative faced backlash from business owners citing operational difficulties and concerns about economic impact. This has prompted Díaz to embark on a renewed push to solidify her leadership position and regain momentum for her broader labor reforms. The core of the issue revolves around the implementation of reducción jornada laboral (working hours reduction) and its perceived effects on Spanish businesses.
Analyzing the Criticism: Key Concerns from Employers
The primary concerns voiced by employers participating in the trial, and those observing from the sidelines, centered on several key areas:
* productivity Concerns: Many businesses reported difficulties maintaining pre-trial productivity levels with reduced working hours, particularly in sectors requiring continuous operation.
* Increased Costs: Concerns were raised about the potential need to hire additional staff to cover the reduced hours, leading to increased labor costs. This is especially pertinent for PYMES (small and medium-sized enterprises) which form the backbone of the Spanish economy.
* Implementation Challenges: Adapting workflows and schedules to accommodate a 32-hour week proved complex for some companies, requiring significant restructuring and investment.
* Sectoral Disparities: The trial’s impact varied substantially across different sectors. Industries reliant on customer service or requiring 24/7 availability faced greater hurdles.
These criticisms have fueled debate about the feasibility of a nationwide implementation of the reduced work week, impacting Díaz’s political standing and the future of reforma laboral (labor reform) in spain.
Díaz’s Response: A Multi-Pronged Approach to Policy Reinforcement
In response to the backlash, Díaz and her Sumar party are implementing a series of measures aimed at addressing the concerns and demonstrating the viability of her labor policies. These include:
- Enhanced Support for businesses: The government is exploring financial incentives and technical assistance programs to help businesses transition to reduced working hours.This includes potential subsidies for hiring additional staff and investment in automation technologies.
- Refined Implementation Strategies: Díaz is advocating for a more flexible and sector-specific approach to implementing reduced working hours, recognizing that a one-size-fits-all solution is unlikely to succeed. this involves tailoring the program to the unique needs of different industries.
- Data-Driven Evaluation: A comprehensive evaluation of the pilot program is underway, focusing on quantifiable metrics such as productivity, employee well-being, and economic impact. the results will be used to inform future policy decisions.
- Strengthening Social Dialog: Díaz is actively engaging in dialogue with business associations, trade unions, and other stakeholders to build consensus and address concerns. This includes ongoing negotiations with CEOE (Spanish Confederation of Employers) and CCOO (Workers’ commissions).
- Focus on Wellbeing: Highlighting the positive impact on employee mental health and work-life balance as a key benefit of reduced working hours. This aligns with growing global trends towards prioritizing employee wellbeing.
the Role of European funding and Best Practices
Spain is leveraging European Union funding, particularly from the Next Generation EU recovery plan, to support its labor reforms. This funding is being allocated to initiatives aimed at promoting digitalization, automation, and skills growth, which are seen as crucial for enabling businesses to adapt to reduced working hours.
Furthermore, Díaz’s team is studying successful examples of reduced working hours initiatives in other European countries, such as Iceland and Belgium, to identify best practices and lessons learned. The Icelandic trials, for example, demonstrated significant improvements in employee wellbeing without a corresponding decline in productivity.This provides a compelling case study for the potential benefits of tiempo de trabajo reducido (reduced work time).
Impact on Spanish Politics and Future Reforms
The working hours reduction initiative has become a pivotal moment in Spanish politics. Díaz’s ability to navigate this challenge will significantly impact her future leadership prospects and the broader agenda of the Sumar party. The situation has also intensified the debate between proponents of more interventionist labor policies and those advocating for a more market-driven approach.
Looking ahead, Díaz is expected to prioritize the following:
* Strengthening Collective Bargaining: Empowering trade unions to negotiate reduced working hours agreements with employers.
* Promoting Teleworking and Flexible Work arrangements: expanding access to remote work options to improve work-life balance.
* Investing in lifelong Learning: providing workers with the skills they need to adapt to changing labor market demands.
* Addressing Gender Inequality: Promoting policies that support women’s participation in the workforce and reduce the gender pay gap.
Real-World Examples: Companies Adapting to Change
While the overall response has been mixed, some Spanish companies have successfully implemented reduced working hours. for example, several tech startups have adopted a four-day work week, reporting increased employee satisfaction and improved recruitment rates. These examples demonstrate that, with careful planning and investment, reduced working hours can be a viable option for certain businesses. However, scaling these successes to larger
