“The best-case scenario is that the state captures me,” says Ángel Flores, regional coordinator of the Indigenous Movement for the Articulation of the Struggles of the Ancestral Peoples (MILPA). Flores remains in El Salvador, continuing his work in the regions targeted for state-led infrastructure projects, despite the ongoing suspension of constitutional rights under the nation’s state of emergency.
Implemented in March 2022 following a surge in gang-related killings, the emergency measures have been extended dozens of times, recently entering a fourth year. The decree permits police to conduct arrests without judicial warrants and has facilitated the detention of more than 91,000 individuals—over 1.4% of the national population—according to government data. International human rights organizations and independent experts have alerted the United Nations and the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights that these measures have been accompanied by reports of torture, sexual violence, forced disappearances, and hundreds of deaths in state custody.
The expansion of executive authority
Since his inauguration in 2019, President Nayib Bukele has overseen the consolidation of power through a series of legislative and judicial reforms. These include the removal of presidential term limits, the appointment of loyalists to the Supreme Court’s Constitutional Chamber, and the implementation of mechanisms to expedite parliamentary amendments. The government maintains that its policies have successfully reduced the national homicide rate by 98% compared to the mid-2010s, a narrative that has bolstered the president’s domestic popularity and inspired political figures across Latin America to adopt similar “iron fist” security strategies.
The government consistently rejects allegations of political persecution. During a September 2024 address to the United Nations, President Bukele stated that El Salvador does not imprison political opponents, censor opinions, or confiscate property based on ideological differences. However, the application of emergency powers has increasingly intersected with land disputes and environmental activism.
Criminalization of land and environmental defense
In June 2023, authorities arrested Óscar René Martínez Iglesias, a fisherman and founder of MILPA, on charges of gang membership. Martínez Iglesias had been a vocal critic of the planned Pacific Airport in La Unión, questioning the displacement of local families and the adequacy of state compensation. While the government asserts that all land transfers were voluntary, residents have reported protests and dissatisfaction with the compensation process.
Following the arrest, private property markers were installed by Desarrollos Turísticos del Pacífico in the mangrove areas of Icacal Beach—a protected natural zone—to facilitate tourism development. To date, six fishermen from the community have been arrested, with five remaining in detention.
Vidalina Morales, president of the Association for Economic and Social Development (ADES), has faced similar pressure while opposing the revival of metal mining in El Salvador. Despite a 2017 national ban on mining, the government passed legislation in late 2024 to facilitate the industry’s return. In May 2023, police arrested Morales’ son under the state of emergency. Although he was released after one day, Morales reported subsequent surveillance and intimidation. In a separate case, five environmental activists from the Santa Marta community were detained in 2023 on historical murder charges; they were acquitted in September 2025, though the prosecutor’s office has signaled intent to continue legal challenges.
The exodus of civil society
The institutional friction between the government and independent organizations has led to the departure of at least 130 human rights defenders and journalists. Malcolm Cartagena, a former official at the Supreme Electoral Tribunal, fled the country in 2025 after facing intimidation by police officers who visited his home under the guise of conducting a census. Cartagena, who suffers from chronic kidney failure, noted that the risk of detention equated to a death sentence due to the lack of medical care in the prison system.
The organization Cristosal, which has documented over 1,000 cases of displacement and provided legal representation for victims of the El Mozote massacre, faced extensive audits and the revocation of tax exemptions before closing its San Salvador office in July 2025. The organization subsequently relocated its operations to Guatemala after the arrest of its legal advisor, Ruth López, on charges of embezzlement.
Similar pressures have impacted the legal community. In February 2025, the prosecutor’s office ordered the arrest of members of the Human Rights and Community Defense Unit (UNIDEHC) who were involved in litigation against prison authorities. Lawyers Ivania Cruz and Rudy Joya, who were in Spain during the issuance of the warrants, were subject to an Interpol red notice. The Spanish judiciary eventually denied the extradition request, and the government of Spain granted both lawyers asylum in early 2026, citing the risks associated with their human rights advocacy.
Requests for comment regarding these cases sent to the Office of the Attorney General, the Presidential Press Office, and the National Civil Police remain unanswered.
