The Justice Department has declared its $1.776 billion “anti-weaponization fund” dead in court filings, calling the program “not going forward” and urging judges to dismiss lawsuits seeking to block it—even as President Trump insists it remains a “beautiful thing” and critics warn of alternative pathways to pay Jan. 6 rioters.
What the DOJ’s Court Filings Actually Say
In two identical filings submitted Friday to federal courts in Virginia and Washington, D.C., the Justice Department made its most explicit statement yet that the fund—long derided as a potential “slush fund” for Trump allies—is effectively terminated. The filings, signed by Associate Attorney General Stanley Woodward and senior counsel Andrew Block, argue that the fund “had not been set up and is now not going forward,” rendering the lawsuits against it “not justiciable.”
Leonie Brinkema, the U.S. District Judge in Virginia overseeing one of the cases, had already acted this week to temporarily block the fund’s activation, ordering the DOJ “to ensure that no funds are irreversibly disbursed” while she reviews the plaintiffs’ claims. The DOJ’s new filings now ask her to reject those claims entirely, framing the fund’s demise as a settled political matter rather than a legal one.
“This dispute concerns an Anti-Weaponization Fund that had not been set up and is now not going forward. As a result, Plaintiffs’ claims are not justiciable.”
—Justice Department filing, signed by Stanley Woodward and Andrew Block, June 6, 2026
The DOJ’s argument hinges on two legal pillars: first, that the fund was never formally established, and second, that even if it were, the political process has already rendered it moot. “The court would effectively unwind a preferable political resolution,” the filing warns, adding that “the equities and the public interest do not favor this Court interjecting itself in a political process to shut down a Fund that is already not going forward.”
This is the first time the Trump administration has put its opposition to the fund in writing. Just days earlier, Acting Attorney General Todd Blanche told a House committee that the DOJ was “not moving forward” with the program—but stopped short of a definitive statement, leaving room for skepticism. Now, with the court filings, that ambiguity is gone. The fund, for all intents and purposes, is dead.
Trump’s “Beautiful Thing” vs. the DOJ’s Legal Reality
While the DOJ has effectively killed the fund in court, President Trump has refused to accept its demise. Speaking at a rally on Wednesday, he called the fund a “beautiful thing,” signaling his continued support for the concept—even as his own administration’s lawyers argue it no longer exists. This disconnect raises questions about whether the fund’s resurrection could be revived through other means, particularly the DOJ’s Judgment Fund, a bottomless pot of money used to settle legal claims against the government.
The Judgment Fund has already been used to pay settlements to some Jan. 6 rioters, including nearly $5 million to the family of Ashli Babbitt, who was killed after jumping through a broken window of the House Speaker’s Lobby during the Capitol attack. Critics have long warned that the fund could be abused, and with the anti-weaponization fund now defunct, the Trump administration may turn to it as an alternative way to compensate allies—without the same level of public scrutiny.
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Trump’s refusal to commit to the fund’s permanent demise—combined with his administration’s history of using the Judgment Fund for controversial payouts—suggests that the debate over how to compensate Jan. 6 participants is far from over. The DOJ’s court filings may have buried the anti-weaponization fund, but they haven’t closed the door on other financial mechanisms.
The Judgment Fund: A Hidden Backdoor for Payouts?
The Judgment Fund, established to resolve legal claims against the U.S. government, operates with far less transparency than the anti-weaponization fund ever did. While the latter was subject to congressional oversight and public debate, the Judgment Fund is essentially a black box—its disbursements are rarely disclosed until after the fact. This makes it an attractive tool for the Trump administration if it wants to avoid further legal challenges.
According to NBC News, the fund has already been used to pay settlements to Jan. 6 rioters, including the $5 million awarded to Babbitt’s family. The DOJ’s decision to kill the anti-weaponization fund in court may be a strategic move to avoid further litigation, but it doesn’t eliminate the possibility of future payouts through the Judgment Fund. In fact, it may make such payouts more likely, as the administration can now argue that no new fund is needed—just a repurposing of existing resources.
This raises serious questions about accountability. The anti-weaponization fund, for all its controversies, was at least a named entity subject to debate. The Judgment Fund, by contrast, operates in the shadows, with no clear limits on how it can be used. If the Trump administration turns to it as a replacement, it could effectively bypass the political and legal scrutiny that has surrounded the anti-weaponization fund from the start.
What Happens Next: Legal Battles and Political Fallout
The DOJ’s court filings are likely to face resistance from plaintiffs, who argue that the fund’s potential misuse warrants judicial intervention. In Virginia, Judge Brinkema has already issued a temporary block to prevent funds from being disbursed, and she may now consider whether to make that block permanent. The same is true in the D.C. case, where a government watchdog group, Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington, is leading the challenge.
Beyond the courts, the political fallout could be significant. The anti-weaponization fund became a lightning rod for bipartisan backlash, with even some Republicans distancing themselves from the idea. If the Trump administration now turns to the Judgment Fund as a backdoor solution, it could reignite those debates—and potentially create new legal battles over whether the fund can be used for purposes beyond its original intent.
One thing is clear: the fight over how to compensate Jan. 6 rioters is not over. The DOJ’s court filings may have buried the anti-weaponization fund, but they haven’t ended the underlying controversy. If anything, they may have shifted the debate to a less transparent—and more legally vulnerable—alternative.
The Bigger Picture: Why This Matters
The anti-weaponization fund was never just about money. It was a symbol—a flashpoint in the broader struggle over accountability, justice, and the rule of law in the wake of Jan. 6. The DOJ’s decision to kill the fund in court may have resolved one legal question, but it hasn’t answered the deeper ones: Who is responsible for the violence at the Capitol? And how should those responsible be held accountable?
What makes this story even more complicated is the Trump administration’s refusal to fully commit to the fund’s demise. By keeping the door open for alternative payouts—such as through the Judgment Fund—they risk turning a settled legal matter into an ongoing political and legal quagmire. The courts may have closed one chapter, but the book is far from finished.
For now, the focus remains on the courts. Judge Brinkema’s decision in Virginia—and any ruling from the D.C. court—will be closely watched. If the DOJ’s arguments prevail, it could set a precedent for how future legal challenges to executive branch spending are handled. But if the plaintiffs succeed, it could force the administration to confront the fund’s fate head-on—with no easy backdoor solutions left.
The anti-weaponization fund may be dead, but the fight over Jan. 6 accountability is alive—and it’s only just beginning.
