2023-11-19 05:56:57
Argentina Elections 2023 LIVE TODAY, Sunday, November 19, 2023 | Sergio Massa vs Javier Milei | Ballot | Second Round | Who won the presidential elections in Argentina? Who won the underdog in Argentina? | Results and last minute of the elections in Argentina | Exit Mouth | National Electoral Chamber | CNE | Alberto Fernandez | Cristina Kirchner | Peronism | Freedom Advances | Union for the Homeland | Libertarian | WORLD | THE PERU COMMERCE
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2023-11-18 19:40:48
The presidential candidate of La Libertad Avanza, Javier Mileyarrives at this Sunday’s runoff under the shadow of the former president Mauricio Macrialthough he continued to take refuge in his sister and campaign manager, Karina Mileiand delegated political advice to Guillermo Francoswho displaced Carlos Kikuchi.
Karina was by Milei’s side in all the caravans of the “Freedom Tour”, which took him through different locations and which had its last stop on Thursday in Córdoba. The applicant’s sister was behind the organization and logistics of each campaign event.
In addition, he was the one who chose the Hotel Libertador as the La Libertad Avanza bunker. The presidential candidate himself defines her as “The Boss” and ponders her role in the final decision-making.
Another fixed presence of the libertarian caravans was Carolina Píparonational deputy and former candidate for Buenos Aires governor, who before landing in La Libertad Avanza was Buenos Aires deputy for Cambiemos and national deputy for Avanza Libertad, the label of the liberal José Luis Espert, with whom she ended up in conflict.
Victoria VillarruelMilei’s running mate, is also part of the candidate’s inner circle, but unlike Píparo, she almost did not accompany him on the tours.
Villarruel carried out some proselytizing activities on his own and his name became relevant, especially due to the performance he had in the two vice debates of the television program “A dos voices”.
Kikuchi, the elected Buenos Aires senator, was relegated in the political assembly. Former spokesperson for Domingo Cavallo, Kikuchi was the manager of the local alliances that built Milei’s presidential candidacy. Pacts that were later questioned, amid complaints of selling candidates and threats of breakups.
This is how Kikuchi was displaced by Francos, whom Milei will appoint as Minister of the Interior in his eventual government.
In this way, Francos would be in charge of the complex relationship with the governors, who are divided between Unión por la Patria, Juntos por el Cambio and provincial parties.
Francos, former Argentine representative before the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB), was ratified as Milei’s main political advisor in the two meetings with elected legislators from La Libertad Avanza. In the last one, Kikuchi retired early, confirming the versions that spoke of his departure from him.
Infrastructure
Another leader empowered by Milei is Guillermo Ferrarowho would be his Minister of Infrastructure.
Ferraro served as director of KPMG Argentina, a company that provides audit, tax and advisory services, and heads the audit team of La Libertad Avanza.
The name of Sandra Pettovello, with a degree in Family Sciences, who would be in charge of the new Ministry of Human Capital (it would unify the areas of Health, Education, Labor and Social Development). And for the Ministry of Labor, the chosen one is Gustavo Moronpublic accountant and Superintendent of Occupational Risks between 2015 and 2021.
In the circle closest to Milei there are also Ramiro Marrathe former candidate for head of the Buenos Aires Government who was in charge of harshly criticizing his rival and current Buenos Aires president Horacio Rodríguez Larreta.
During the campaign, Marra presides over the La Libertad Avanza bloc in the Legislature of the City of Buenos Aires and acted as one of the main campaign spokespersons for the presidential candidate.
Macri burst into that environment of proximity to Milei following the agreement that both sealed to face Sergio Massa in the runoff with the promise of putting an end to Kirchnerism. The closed meetings between the two were replicated and addressed sensitive issues such as those linked to oversight in the elections.
Macri became personally involved in the campaign to support Milei’s figure, with multiple appearances in the media. And the former candidate for president of Together for Change Patricia Bullrich joined these efforts, even escorting the libertarian candidate at the closing ceremony that she held in the province of Córdoba.
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2023-11-01 14:13:08
The displeasure of sectors of La Libertad Avanza (LLA) to the agreement between Javier Milei and Mauricio Macri, which had only been revealed and some fights on social networks, now materialized with a statement made public by legislators in the space. The road to the runoff, the presidential elections on November 19, appears complicated for the libertarian, who moderated his speech following coming second on October 22.
It was Patricia Bullrich, along with her vice candidate Luis Petri, who announced that during the early hours of Wednesday the 25th they had reached an agreement with Milei to support him in the elections, ensuring that she was doing so in a personal capacity, but stating that she represented those who had voted for her as president.
This unleashed another breaking point in Together for Change, with criticism of the position of Bullrich and sectors of the UCR that decided to publicly support Sergio Massa, while others, like the Civic Coalition, claim not to express themselves in favor of any of them. the candidates, but they do warn of the danger that Milei implies for democracy.
In this context, the reports of internal complaints at LLA did not stop growing.
News in development
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2023-10-29 09:38:23
Strategy. Riorda says that Milei aims to sharpen the Kichnerism-anti-Kichnerism rift. Photo: diffusion
The new president in Argentina will be decided between the Peronist Sergio Massa and the libertarian Javier Miley. The political scientist from that country, Mario Riorda, analyzes the recent electoral campaign and offers some keys to understand what may come from this moment.
-Peruvians – possibly due to historical experience – wonder how an Economy Minister from a country with high inflation can be the first option to be president. What explains Massa’s victory in the first round?
-In Argentina, as in much of the Latin American political system, it works much more when there are broken party systems, what is known as the “second best option.”
-The second best option.
-Or much more specific from Argentina, the logic of the least bad works. The great struggle in the campaign was between anger – represented by Javier Milei – and fear – represented by Sergio Massa. Anger brought together discontent – even violent – with the system, the perception of a country disintegrated and in free fall.
-What brought together fear?
-To people who still have a political identity with Peronism, with the value of the State, but, above all, who were afraid of a candidate like Milei. In the last twenty days of the campaign, those around him said things that are very dear to Argentine political consensus, such as statements regarding the Malvinas, regarding cutting relations with the Vatican…
-What was said regarding the victims of the dictatorship.
-About breaking the democratic consensus on whether or not there was state terrorism. These issues are too strong for fear not to have emerged, which ended up taking precedence in society.
-What does Milei’s voter see in him?
-Milei is rewarded not for ordering but for breaking bad things. One would have to imagine a kind of metaphor in which Milei is seen as a “hammer” candidate, a hitting candidate. Even many of his own voters were dead set once morest many of his public policyHowever, they considered it effective in breaking a bad system and past. That ability scared a lot because of his ways and consequences, I’m not saying to everyone, but a large part of the electorate that did not support him. Milei is the circumstantial expression of national catharsis in the face of the efforts of the two great coalitions that dominated the last twelve years in Argentina. Milei is an emerging discontent.
-The hammer”.
-But without a structure or, in the case of the runoff, with a structure rented or lent by its new partners.
-Will this dispute between anger and fear continue in the second round? Milei is trying to change her speech somewhat.
-There are strategic changes in the two forces. Both understand that there is a critical context, but the way they face it is different. In Milei’s case, particularly with her new partnerships…
-Patricia Bullrich.
-Y Mauricio Macri, they try to reinforce the blaming of Kichnerism. Whether it works for you or not, we’ll see. But the old rift of Kichnerism versus anti-Kichnerism is pointed out.
-And in the case of Massa?
-We must not forget that the 36% it obtained is the worst record for Peronism in recent Argentine democratic history, which implies that its offer to get out of this bad present is that of a government of national unity, of articulation of broad consensus. . That is to say, it is not a defensive proposal, but an offensive one, of great agreements. One of the speeches that caught my attention the most on election day was that of Sergio Massa and the idea of a government of national unity with an agreement of programs and not of people, something unprecedented in Argentina.
-Massa is someone with a long political career. What kind of profile does he have?
-Massa was everything, from mayor, legislator, chief of staff, minister. He is an actor with an impressive political will. He would say that he is brutally pragmatic, with the ability to build and accumulate power. And that is what Peronism has ended up accepting from him.
-Who represents a greater danger to Argentine democracy?
-Sergio Massa may be liked or not liked –in fact he currently has a very consolidated negative differential–, he might create a bad government –or perhaps a good one, we don’t know–, but I don’t think he represents, at all, any type of democratic risk. . However, in Milei’s expressions and much more of those around her there are questions regarding the democracy, regarding the possibility of breaking social consensus that might generate violence. And I am not referring to physical violence – although I do not rule it out either – but to the way in which the debate would take place in Argentina, especially in a context of economic and social crisis. So I don’t see a democratic risk with Massa and there are alarms that Milei and personalities around her have generated, which apparently they would be trying to soften now.
-One of the analyzes I read is that Milei became confident following the results of the PASO, which were very favorable to him. Has Peronism’s mobilization capacity recovered?
-It was not like that in the PASO, but it was evident in the first round. In fact, many of the places where Peronism managed to reverse Milei’s performance in the primaries was in provinces with Peronist governors. You should never underestimate the weight of structures. Curiously, these had been relativized in their importance during the primaries. More than a task of mobilization, these structures carried out a task of raising awareness, of interpellation. Peronism was one step away from falling into the mistake of getting angry with the voter who elected a radical right-wing force. He left that level of initial hostility, which happened a few days following Milei’s victory in the primaries, and changed his speech towards a more interpellation format. That is to say, if today there are serious and serious problems, which no one denies, the capacity for damage and future loss with Milei would be superlative. This process of interpellation was much more rational and there the structure played a role of party evangelization.
-Do you include Milei in this generation of far-right politicians seen in the region?
-One hundred percent, yes. He is part of this generation that has created a kind of new international of the extreme right.
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