2023-12-31 03:30:00
President Javier Milei once again kept his word. After signing the mega DNU 70/23, this week their teams presented the so-called Omnibus Law that contains, in addition to the approval of the judicialized decree, more than 600 articles to reformulate, modify or repeal hundreds of laws, rules and regulations. In addition, it sent, along with the call for extraordinary sessions, a package of laws that highlights, due to open suspicions, the elimination of double taxation with the Duchy of Luxembourg, a tax haven.
In short, the Milei government It does not seem to have proposed a deregulation of the State but rather has an absolute refounding essence. It is estimated that there are more than 1,200 regulations, of different ranges, that are sought to be modified. A volume that invalidates in itself the existence of a nature of urgency.
In line with the DNU, but explicitly from the bill, Milei seeks to acquire superpowers by assuming powers that are not inherent to it – in Article 1 it proposes the delegation of powers to the Executive to legislate on 11 thematic axes. Constitutional lawyer Andrés Gil Domínguez described it as “an attempt at covert constitutional reform.”
The breadth of issues to be modified and the depth of the changes promoted by the government are of such magnitude and dispersion that it left public opinion baffled to understand the focus of the issue. The legislative task alone seems incomprehensible in the short term, from the point of view of an exhaustive and conscientious analysis. It’s hard to imagine how society can process it in moments where material conditions deepen their degradation.
On social networks, the terrain where the president measures his communication, a text from the Canadian journalist and writer circulated strongly. Naomi Klein, famous for her title No Logo. The book is called “The Shock Doctrine” and from there it enters into dialogue with the president’s speech, When he took office on December 10: with his back to Congress, he said that there was no money or financing for gradualism, so there were no alternatives to “adjustment” and “shock.”
“The economic shock doctrine needs, to be applied, no type of restriction – as in Chile in the sixties, Russia in the nineties and the United States after September 11 –some type of additional collective trauma, which temporarily or permanently suspends the rules of the democratic game.”
Klein refers critically to the economic recipes of the renowned neoliberal theorist Milton Friedman – one of the references for President Milei – and ensures a growing polarization between the poor and the rich, in the societies where these recipes were applied.
Beyond the technical issue, it is important to review how the national government acts on the opinions it receives. No other recent government accelerated so much in what is known as the “honeymoon” of the rulers after their inauguration. Not only does it overwhelm its powers and seek the sum total of public power, against the principles of a Republic, but he does not know who did not vote for him.
It goes beyond the game of majorities and minorities, it creates a kind of stereotype of the opponent and disqualifies him by ignoring him as part of democratic life. The institutional responses to the excesses of the Executive were scarce to the point that The justice system confirmed that it will deal with the protections against the DNU in February and only the CGT expressed itself with a call for a strike. that will end up being conditioned by the historical statistics of general strikes.
The renowned journalist Carlos Pagni wondered this week what would happen if the battery of measures that were known in almost three weeks had been promoted by Kirchnerism. The question exposes subjectivity and exposes the claims that claim the truth.
A recent survey by Zuban Córdoba early shows that 54% believe that the path chosen by the government is not the correct one. Perhaps the resilient Argentine society is clear about its principles and the limits it tolerates.
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