Senior Arab lawmaker Ahmad Tibi announced that the Joint List is prepared to back a new anti-Netanyahu government from the outside, giving a prospective coalition led by figures like Gadi Eisenkot a clear parliamentary majority while declining cabinet seats for its own members.
The political arithmetic shifting across Israel’s parliament following the general election places the anti-Netanyahu bloc at 67 seats in the 120-member Knesset. But here is the catch: bridging the divide between Jewish-led opposition factions and Arab parties remains politically fraught. As The Times of Israel detailed, the path forward depends entirely on whether centrist and right-leaning opposition leaders are willing to accept external backing from parties that most of the Zionist opposition has historically vowed to exclude from governance.
Tibi, speaking to Channel 12 news on a Saturday, urged Yashar party leader Gadi Eisenkot to emulate the late Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin. Rabin famously relied on the votes of Arab lawmakers to pass the Oslo Accords with the PLO in the 1990s. The Joint List won 11 seats in Tuesday’s election, while fellow Arab faction Ra’am secured eight, pushing the total representation from the Arab sector high enough to deny Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu any viable path to assembling a right-wing coalition.
“We want to help anyone who wants to bring down this awful government… and switch it for a different government,” Tibi told Channel 12, adding that his faction wants to be “part of the correction, part of the hope.” At the same time, he maintained strict boundaries on participation. “We won’t be part of the government. I don’t want a ministerial post. I don’t want to be in the cabinet. But without the Arab parties there won’t be change.”
Negotiating the Outside Track and Policy Demands
While Tibi focused on parliamentary mechanics, Joint List chairman Yousef Jabareen outlined the policy conditions attached to their outside support during a separate interview with Channel 12. Jabareen confirmed that informal, initial contacts had already begun with leaders of the anti-Netanyahu bloc, including Eisenkot, Democrats leader Yair Golan, and members of Naftali Bennett’s B’Yachad party. Avigdor Liberman’s Yisrael Beytenu remains excluded from those early discussions.
Arab parties (Joint List + Ra'am) hold 19 seats and the balance of power. Neither main bloc reaches 61 alone. They could back Eisenkot’s opposition via coalition or external support to form a government, though Netanyahu rules it out and some opposition leaders have pledged…
| Political Entity / Bloc | Electoral Outcome (Seats) | Stance on Coalition Architecture |
|---|---|---|
| Anti-Netanyahu Bloc (Total) | 67 seats | Holds theoretical majority, divided on Arab party cooperation |
| Likud (Netanyahu) | 27 seats | Seeking to form a right-wing government, alleging foreign interference |
| Yashar (Eisenkot) | 21 seats | Central opposition party navigating coalition options |
| B’Yachad | 12 seats | Participating in early informal talks with the opposition bloc |
| Joint List (Tibi / Jabareen) | 11 seats | Ready to support an alternative government from the outside |
| Ra’am | 8 seats | Second Arab faction represented in the incoming Knesset |
Jabareen’s platform includes a commitment to a diplomatic track toward a Palestinian state, an organized budgetary plan to combat violent crime within Arab municipalities, and a halt to home demolitions used against the families of convicted terrorists.
Complicating matters further, Jabareen repeatedly sidestepped questions regarding whether he considers Hamas a terrorist organization, a requirement that Eisenkot has stated for potential coalition partners. “My dear, I am not in an interrogation room,” Jabareen replied when pressed by Channel 12, though he reiterated that his party had explicitly condemned the October 7, 2023, massacre carried out by Hamas against border communities.
Turnout Surges and Foreign Interference Allegations
The underlying driver of this parliamentary shift is an unprecedented surge in voter participation within the Arab sector. Turnout jumped dramatically from 38 percent in the 2022 election to nearly 80 percent this week. Jabareen described the moment as an “almost existential election,” driven by a collective desire to penalize outgoing ministers like National Security Minister Itamar Ben Gvir and Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich over grievances tied to anti-Arab incitement and unchecked violent crime.
Tibi similarly characterized the results as an act of political self-defense against Netanyahu’s coalition. Likud officials alleged that Qatar had secretly funneled money to groups working to boost Arab voter turnout. Those claims prompted the Shin Bet to open a limited probe into suspected foreign interference.
Both Tibi and Jabareen dismissed the allegations. Tibi went a step further, claiming that Shin Bet chief David Zini had manipulated Central Elections Committee chairman Justice Noam Sohlberg into announcing the investigation following a meeting with Netanyahu. Sources within the intelligence service told Channel 12 that nothing uncovered in the inquiry would alter the election outcome.
Parliamentary Showdowns Ahead of November 10
With official results heading to President Isaac Herzog, the anti-Netanyahu bloc is already mapping out its legislative priorities ahead of the new Knesset swearing-in ceremony scheduled for November 10. Tibi confirmed that the Joint List intends to recommend to President Herzog that the mandate to form a government be given to an opposition Zionist leader, widely expected to be Eisenkot.
Furthermore, the Joint List plans to vote in favor of ousting Likud’s Knesset Speaker Amir Ohana and supporting the establishment of a state commission of inquiry into the security failures of October 7, 2023. To cement this transitional arrangement, Tibi indicated that his party would reject any Likud-initiated no-confidence motions against the incoming administration and would refrain from introducing its own bills to dissolve the parliament.
Whether that bridge holds against deep-seated ideological divides remains the defining question for Israel’s political future.
