They rose to fame when they threw torches lit against the Casa Rosada or when harassed officials down the street shouting, insulting or threatening. They usually carry their demonstrations gallows as a message to the political system and claim “bullet for Kirchnerism”. With just a few months of life, the Federal Revolution group is in the sights of those who view with concern the growth of far-right groups that, from all appearances, are part of the breeding ground which led last September 1 to the attempted assassination of Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner. The possible link of the group with the attack on the vice president was put under the magnifying glass from a complaint from the Federal Intelligence Agency (AFI). In recent days, the Financial Information Unit (UIF) brought to the courts of Comodoro Py a confidential report that puts the focus on the financing of this organization: warns that the founder of Federal Revolution, Jonathan Morel, –as revealed last week Page 12— received a transfer for almost 2 million pesos from a trust that would be linked to the Caputo family.
Federal Revolution is less than five months old and has already made enough merits to be investigated by the federal justice. This week it will be defined if he continues to investigate it Marcelo Martinez de Giorgi as a group that spreads messages against democracy or if Maria Eugenia Capuchetti He must take charge of this investigation due to its possible relationship with the attempted murder of CFK. The discussion will end by settling the president of the Federal Chamber of Buenos Aires, Mariano Llorensand, in Comodoro Py, they hope it will be between Monday or Tuesday.
Beyond the legal process, Federal Revolution generates intrigues among researchers. During the week, Capuchetti received a confidential FIU report in which he is informed that Morel issued two invoices and that he received about 1,760,000 pesos before the attack. There was a report of suspicious operations (STR), which would allow inferring that there was a pronounced jump in billing that put the authorities on alert. The information is also in the possession of the Attorney for Economic Crime and Money Laundering (Procelac).
The founder of the Federal Revolution had confirmed this information to Page 12. According to Morel, it was because he did carpentry work in a hotel in Neuquén. He billed a trust, but supposedly while he was doing his homework he found out that the business belonged to the Caputo family. In dialogue with this newspaper, Morel also said that he had exchanged emails with the Caputo Brothers – a company name that belongs to the brothers of former Finance Minister Luis “Toto” Caputo–.
Whether that payment is part of the financing of the Federal Revolution is something that must be determined. Doubts there are many: Morel says that he set up a carpentry shop in Boulougne and that he learned the trade on YouTube. The question is whether Caputo Hermanos – which is dedicated to large real estate projects – hired a carpentry that a priori does not have much experience in the field and paid for the transfer to another province.
Martínez de Giorgi asked the Airport Security Police (PSA) to carry out investigative measures on the Federal Revolution. Other tasks he also entrusted to the Argentine Federal Police (PFA). The investigators warned that the group took down content from their social networks. For example, Sosa’s account that was offered to receive donations no longer appears. Information is recoverable because, in general, cybercrime investigators always ask that account information be preserved as it was at a given time.
Genesis of a violence
Federal Revolution was not called that when it was born – less than five months ago. It was Federal Rebellion. For some reason he changed his name. Among the first activities recorded by their social networks was a protest outside the Quinta de Olivos. They organized it with Republican Team –which is the group that brings together some of the visitors of Ximena de Tezanos Pinto, CFK’s neighbor–. That good relationship can also explain why two members of the Federal Revolution have been on the upper floor of the vice president’s apartment: Sosa and Gastón Guerra were photographed from the balcony of Tezanos Pinto. The reasons that explain their presence are diverse, but the lawyer Gladys Egui – who allegedly rents a room from Tezanos Pinto – explained that they went to bring her papers that she needed to defend them in different cases that the men have in court.
On June 10, the members of the Federal Revolution they were in Gerli at Javier Milei’s act. They went with a banner that said: “If God demands it, the country will do it.” On July 4, they attended the inauguration of Silvina Batakis. That day, they attacked the Buenos Aires legislators Claudia Neira and Maia Daer. On July 9, they went with gallows and guillotines –which are produced in Morel’s carpentry– to the Obelisk and the Plaza de Mayo. As of July 19 they began to announce an important mobilization. Initially it was going to be August 15, but it happened on the 18th of that month. It was the torchlight march against the Casa Rosada. On the same day, the deputy Gerardo Milman – trustworthy man Patricia Bullrich– presented the project that said: “It is not going to be that some enlightened avant-garde intends to favor the climate of violence that is being armed with a false attack on the figure of Cristina.”
On July 21, Revolución Federal posted videos of the escrache at the Instituto Patria. “The people are going to rebel against the Kirchnerists and Montoneros who are screwed to power,” they wrote. The group also shared on their networks the Proclamation of ex-carapintada coup leader Aldo Ricowhich ended up denouncing the prosecutor Víctor Abramovich and the Human Rights Secretariat as part of crimes against the constitutional order.
If there is something they do not want in the Federal Revolution, it is to be active in social networks, they want to go out into the streets and challenge public power from the most iconic places.: the Casa Rosada, the Plaza de Mayo, the Obelisk or the Quinta de Olivos. Among the targets of the Federal Revolution are not only Alberto Fernández and CFK –whose faces are usually accompanied, on their posters, with the phrase Never Again–, but also other referents of the Frente de Todos such as the ministers Sergio Massa or Jorge Ferraresi, the incumbent from the Inadi Victoria Donda, the legislator Ofelia Fernández or from other spaces such as the radical deputy Rodrigo de Loredo.
In their first activities there were no more than two dozen people –if you counted the women who usually accompany them and whom Morel calls “las Mabeles”–. In general, they are interested in appearing in the media and capitalizing on followers on social networks. Since the attack on CFK – which they called “total circus for victimization”— spent more time on TV channels than on the streets. Morel began to appear accompanied by a lawyer Nile Medina, who presents himself as a defender of freedom and life. During the quarantine, the lawyer participated in marches against the care measures ordered by the authorities and, according to Lobos media, he starred in a dangerous episode by entering the Covid Ward of a local hospital shouting that the pandemic was a lie.
The links
Six hours before Fernando Sabag Montiel fired, a photo with posters with the faces of CFK and AF appeared with the caption “what’s coming” and a fire emoji. “Everyone is going to run,” they warned. Could the publication be warning of what would happen at the corner of Juncal and Uruguay? At the moment, it is another of the many questions that are on the minds of researchers.
A person who follows the cause lists what are the links that exist between the Federal Revolution and the band of “copitos”: Brenda Uliarte was in the march of the torches and even weeks before she told her friend Agustina Díaz that she was organizing to set up a “bard” in La Rosada and mentioned the torches. Sabag, Uliarte and the “copitos” They also shared Telegram groups with the people of the Federal Revolution. Telegram chats became “fashionable” in the last year and a half – a period that coincided with the pandemic, a time when many of these groups began to form. A researcher says that both copitos and Revolución Federal they were part of the “climate of discussion”.
The AFI inspector, Agustín Rossi, denounced that in a Twitter live Morel anticipated the mechanics that Sabag finally ended up using in the attack on CFK. In that conversation, the members of the Federal Revolution said that they had a dialogue with the police and, among its participants, there was a volunteer soldier who was quickly discharged from the Ministry of Defense. “You have to watch out for this group.”says a national government official.