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The legislative process of Agreement with the Monetary Fund Internacional was the setting chosen by Cristina Fernández de Kirchner to tell the country that her political experiment was entering a terminal phase.
no longer spoke of officials not working but he directly made it clear that he was getting down, with his family, from the driver’s table. The consequences of this rupture will be devastating in an already very poor management of government. The brutal acceleration of inflation these days is without a doubt the best indicator of the fear that economic agents perceive in these moments of political crisis. If to this we add the war in ukraine and its consequences on the world economy, we cannot help but be intensely concerned about the future of Argentina in the coming months.
From his tour, Alberto Fernández seeks to overcome the crisis and sustain the alliance of the FdT
All this picture of situation accelerates the times of the political transition. At least at the hypothetical level, the opposition must consider the possibility of an early handover of power. If this were the case, it is essential to start publicly discussing what the basic guidelines of a program will be to overcome such crisis.
Orlando Ferreres speaks of the need for a program of 150 policies for reconstruction, and many other specialized analysts say so. However, none of the teams formed by the opposition candidates has yet considered beginning to share with society the reforms necessary to get ahead. If we want to begin to glimpse a way out, drastic changes must be introduced at the three levels of government: Nation, province and municipalities. It is necessary to review the legislative powers, public companies, social security, labor and foreign exchange issues, just to mention some of the lines of action.
The Argentine crisis, which has in the inflation and persistent public deficit its most outstanding features, it was not created by this government or the previous one. It has been “building” in the last 40 years of democracy. This implies that behind every mismatch, behind every unexplained benefit that needs to be eliminated, there is a pressure group, prepared to resist their “space of privilege.” To illustrate this we can take the case of Aerolineas Argentinas, so debated in recent days on the public agenda after the statements of former President Mauricio Macri about the need to privatize it.
Javier Milei: “Alberto and Cristina are doing everything so that there is a political crisis”
We all know that airlines can’t go on like this and that the next government will have to find a solution to the deficit estimated at a minimum of US$600 million per year. With 40 percent poor, we cannot afford to have a flagship airline, a benefit that is used only by the middle and upper classes. Privatization, without a doubt, would be the easiest path but also the most unlikely. Who would want to take over an endemic company that has been losing money for forty years? The other alternative is closure, but this can only be done if the necessary social consensus is built. History shows us that politics versus lobby -hand in hand- lobby wins. Politics cannot alone. It is not about bringing together those who “until now” represent 70 percent of the votes. Of course not.
In order to change Argentina and build the country we all loveWe have to achieve social support, social credit, from a community that understands why they want to make the changes that need to be made. Only in this way will the necessary strength be built to go through all those “spaces of privilege” that today are part of this destructive spiral in which we are trapped.
* Eduardo Jacobs, economist and Master in Philosophy of Economics from the University of Cambridge.