An unfolding political scandal in Tokyo’s Koto Ward has brought the local assembly to the brink of a massive shake-up, leaving authorities racing against an October 30 deadline to determine whether voters will be forced back to the ballot box.
The legal fallout stems from a public offices election law violation tied to the 2023 Koto Ward mayoral race, sankei.com reported. With three district assembly members facing imminent disqualification due to finalized bribery convictions, the Koto Ward assembly faces a potential deficit of eight seats, a threshold that triggers a mandatory by-election under Japanese electoral law.
The Convictions and the Threshold for a By-Election
The legal machinery reached a definitive milestone when the Supreme Court’s First Petty Bench dismissed the appeals lodged by three Koto Ward assembly members: Makoto Nishigaki, 54, Kazuhiro Yonezawa, 66, and Hiroshi Hoshino, 78, sankei.com detailed. Lower and intermediate courts previously handed down sentences of 200,000 yen in fines alongside 200,000 yen in secondary collections for accepting bribes.
According to court records cited by sankei.com, the trio accepted 200,000 yen each in February 2023 from former House of Representatives member Mito Kakisawa. The funds served as compensation for campaign activities designed to secure the victory of former Koto Ward Mayor Yayoi Kimura, whose own tenure collapsed under the weight of the same scandal.

The Koto Ward assembly, which operates with a fixed quota of 44 seats, is already missing five members. Those vacancies accumulated after multiple politicians vacated their local posts to run in higher-stakes races, including Natsumi Sakai, who ran in the mayoral election, Aya Mito, and Yurika Mitsuya (wife of former House of Councillors member Shun Ototaka), who triggered an automatic disqualification by running in the February House of Representatives election.
If the three incoming disqualifications push the total number of vacancies to eight, the absolute deficit will exceed one-sixth of the total assembly quota. Under the Public Offices Election Act, this crosses the statutory threshold required to mandate a by-election.
The October 30 Deadline and the Appeal Loophole
Despite the mathematical certainty of the eight-vacancy threshold, a temporal safeguard written into electoral law may spare the ward from another costly vote. sankei.com reported that by-elections are legally barred if a local assembly’s term is within six months of expiration.
Koto Ward Electoral Commission records confirm that the current term for the ward assembly expires on April 30 of next year, and consequently, the disqualifications of Nishigaki, Yonezawa, and Hoshino must formally take effect by October 30 to trigger a by-election. If the official loss of status spills past that date, the vacancies will remain unfilled until the next scheduled general local election.
A procedural buffer complicates the timeline. Defendants handed a final Supreme Court ruling retain the right to file an objection within three days of the decision. According to official guidelines hosted on the Ministry of Justice Public Prosecutors Office website, the judiciary typically requires approximately one month from the date of filing to hand down a decision regarding such an objection.
Should the three convicted assembly members utilize this one-month window, the formal processing of their disqualification will likely stretch past the October 30 statutory cutoff, effectively neutralizing the legal requirement to hold a special election.
Voter Fatigue and the Precedent of Electoral Instability
The prospect of yet another trip to the polls has ignited widespread frustration among local residents. sankei.com noted that Koto Ward has endured a relentless cycle of electoral turbulence since the initial bribery scandal broke, cycling through a mayoral race and a parliamentary by-election triggered by Kakisawa’s resignation.
Public sentiment across the district leans heavily against staging a ward assembly by-election under these conditions, with critics pointing to the administrative strain and financial cost of continuous balloting. Historically, assembly deficits of this magnitude are rare but not unprecedented in Japanese local governance; past instances include massive ward and city assembly vacancies in Saitama’s Tokorozawa in 2004 (10 vacancies), Toyama in 2016 (13), and Naha in 2024 (7), according to regional records compiled by sankei.com.
Meanwhile, the judicial fallout continues to ripple through local leadership accountability. In parallel proceedings handled by the Tokyo District Court, former Koto Ward Mayor Kimura faced severe judicial condemnation, with the bench issuing a formal order for the return of her municipal salary and dismissing the legitimacy of actions taken by officials who compromise the electoral process, famously declaring that the activities of those who damage electoral fairness remain fundamentally without value.
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